Arabic:ǯarād- 'sauterelle' [BK 1 276], [Fr. I 264], [Lane 406], [LA III 117]. // Cf. also ǯardam- 'espèce de sauterelle noire et à tête verte' [BK I 278], [Fr. I 265], [Lane 408], [Q II 89].
Tigrai (Tigriñña):gärädo 'ragno di colore molto oscuro, il cui morso dicono sia mortale' [Bass. 820].
Jibbali:gérɔ́d 'locusts' [JJ 78].
Notes: An Arabism in Jib. cannot be exluded whereas the Arb. origin of Syr. gārūdā 'locusta' [PS 777] is obvious. // Сf. probably *gVdVr- 'kind of worm', No. ... // [DRS 182]: Arb., Jib.
Hebrew:gōzāl 'turtledove; young eagle' [KB 182], pB. 'brood, chick, esp. pigeon' [Ja. 220]. // The meaing 'young pigeon', prominent in post-Biblical Hebrew, is clear in Gn 15.9 where g. (together with tōr 'turtle-dove') is mentioned as a sacrificial animal. The meaning 'young eagle' is attested in Dt 32.11: kǝnäšär yāʕīr ḳinnō // ʕal-gōzālāw yǝraḥēp 'like an eagle watching his nest // hovering over his youngs').
Arabic:ǯawzal- 'petit (de pigeon, ou d'un autre oiseau de l'espèce)' [BK 1 290], [LA XI 110].
Notes: Note Amh. gǝz(z)al 'bird of prey which breaks open the long bones for their marrow by // dropping them on rocks from a height' [K 2029]. // [DRS 107], [KB 182], [Firmage 1154]: Hbr., Arm., Arb.
Notes: Not very reliable, accidental coincidience cannot be excluded.
Number:2385
Proto-Semitic:*gVb-
Meaning:locust
Akkadian:[g]i-bu 'probably a locust' (in the OB lexical list UET 7 93r. 3, identified with the present root in [Sjöberg 1996 229]).
Eblaitic:gi-ba-um [MEE IV 1058] (= Sum. AMA.UG5.GA). // Identified with the present root in [Sjöberg Ebla 23] (Sjöberg's formulation seems somewhat unclear: "gi-ba-um (Sum. KUM) Ebla Voc. 1235 ... seems to be a different word. However (A.M./L.K.), there might be a connection with Arb. ǯābiʔun...").
Hebrew:gōbay 'swarm of locust' [KB 173]. // In two passages (Am 7.1 and Na 3.17); both are somewhat difficult for interpretation but the meaning 'a harmful insect' is clear from the context (g. is said 'to finish up eating the grass of the earth', killā läʔä̆kōl ʔät-ʕēŝäb hāʔāräṣ) as well as the parallelism with ʔarbǟ 'locust'. A variant form *gēb (in gēbīm 'swarm', Is 33.4) obviously belongs here. // It is commonly thought that the Hbr. forms are derived from the verbal root *gbʔ/y 'to gather' (so [BDB 146], [KB]), which is difficult in view of the Sem. parallels quoted presently (note also that this verbal root is practically absent from Hbr.).
Judaic Aramaic:gōbā 'locust', gōbay 'a species of edible locusts' [Ja. 217], [Levy WTM I 308], [Levy WT 129]; gwb 'locust' [Sok. 122], gwbyy id. [ibid.]. // Sam. gwb 'locust' [Tal 134].
Arabic:ǯābiʔ- 'locustae quod natae properunt e terra' [Fr. I 238], ǯarād- ǯābiʔ- 'nuée de criquets' [Blachère 1285]. // Cf. ʔal-ǯābī 'le Dévorant' (apell. du Criquet) [Blachère 1313].
Notes: Comparison with Tgr. gube 'tortue' [LH 582], Tna. gobǝye 'testuggine, tartaruga' [Bass. 838], thought phonetically perfect, is hardly tenable semantically. In [Dillmann Lexicon 1132] Gez. dagobǝyā (dagabǝyā, dagobiyā, dogabiyā) 'kind of locust, cricket, caterpillar' [LGz. 125] was compared to the present root. While it is difficult to believe that d- goes back to "an original t-, serving to form Reflexives" (as suggested in [Dillmann Grammar 136]), the comparison itself (not even mentioned by Lelau!) is attractive if a contamination of the present root with *gVdVb- No. ... is considered (to the Gez. form compared by Dillmann add now Tgr. dängäbät [LGez. 125] (without translation, not in [LH]), Tna. dägʷäbä 'specie di grillo' [Bass. 799], Amh. dägʷäbe 'wingless locust' [K 1833], dägobǝya id. [ibid.]).
Arabic:ǯudǯud- 'espèce de grillon de nuit' [BK 1 262], [Fr. I 252], [Lane 387], [LA III 114]; ǯandaʕ-, ǯunduʕ- 'espèce de sauterelle noire, à deux antennes; en gén. insectes qu'on rencontre en creusant la terre' [BK 1 338], [Fr. I 313], [LA VIII 60-1]; ǯandab-, ǯundub- 'espèce de sauterelle' [BK 1 339], [Fr. I 251], [Lane 388], [LA I 257] (in the last three sources also ǯindab-). // Cf. also ǯidb- quoted with the same meaning in [DRS 99] without reference.
Geʕez (Ethiopian):gundan 'spider' [LGz. 197]
Tigre:gǝdgǝd 'a species of small beetle' [LH 603]
Tigrai (Tigriñña):godäbo 'specie di grillo molto somigliante alle cavalette' [Bass. 852], gʷädäbä 'grillo' [ibid. 884]; gʷändäran, gʷändära 'worm (intestinal worm, earthworm)' (K Tna 2325).
Amharic:gʷande 'very small red ant which eats grain' [K 2011]; gundan,gʷǝndan 'a kind of black ant which inflicts a painful bite' [K 2013]; gʷändära, gʷändora 'a kind of intestinal worm, hook- worm' (K 2012)
East Ethiopic:Sel. gōndä, Wol. gʷändä 'kind of ant' [LGur. 282]
Notes: Cf. Eth. forms like Tna. dägʷäbä 'specie di grillo' [Bass. 799] (for a complete set of forms cf. No. ... ) comparable as metathetic variants but regarded as Cushitisms in [LGz. 125] (cf. [DRS 217]). Actually, a reverse development (Bil. dängʷabe and gʷändäbe are borrowed from Eth.) can well be imagined. // In a number of Sem. languages phonetically and semantically comparable forms without -b are attested which might point to its originally suffixal nature. Attested examples can be organized as follows: - *gudgud-: Arb. ǯudǯud- 'espèce de grillon de nuit' [BK 1 262], [Fr. I 252], [Lane 387], [LA III 114]; Tgr. gǝdgǝd 'a species of small beetle' [LH 603]. Cf. also Mhr. dǝgdīg 'insect like a grasshopper' [JM 65], Hrs. degdīg id. [JH 23], Jib. ....... (metathesis?); - *gandaʕ-: Arb. ǯandaʕ-, ǯunduʕ- 'espèce de sauterelle noire, à deux antennes; en gén. insectes qu'on rencontre en creusant la terre' [BK 1 338], [Fr. I 313], [LA VIII 60-1]; Amh. gʷande 'very small red ant which eats grain' [K 2011], Sel. gōndä, Wol. Gog. gʷändä, Sod. Muh. Msq. Eža Cha. gʷända, Msq. Gog. gonda, Enm. gōnda, End. gōndä 'kind of ant' [LGur. 282]; - *gundan-: Gez. gundan 'spider' [LGz. 197], Amh. gundan,gʷǝndan 'a kind of black ant which inflicts a painful bite' [K 2013]. // Forms belonging to the last two types are thought to be Cushitic loans in [LGz. 197] and [LGur. 282] with a strange remark: "Perhaps also Arb. ǯandaʕ 'kind of beetle'" (cf. [DLU 154]). A number of comparable forms are indeed present in some E. Cush. languages (e.g., Oromo gondaa 'k. of ant' [Gragg 180]) but their relationship to the Sem. forms quoted above remains to be studied.
Akkadian:gamgammu 'a bird' SB [CAD g 32], [AHw. 278]. // In lexical lists and one divinatory passage from šumma ālu. Exact meaning difficult to establish (according to [Salonen Vögel 166-7], probably 'ein Meersvogel').
Geʕez (Ethiopian):gumgumā 'pelican' [LGz. 194].
Tigre:gumguma 'esp. d'oiseau' [LH 570].
Notes: A non-reduplicated prototype see probably in Tna. guma 'avvoltoio molto grande che ha il collo quasi pelato e divora le carogne' [Bass. 819]. // The Akk. term is usually thought to be borrowed from Sum. GÀM.GÀM.MUS̆EN ([CAD], [AHw.], [Salonen Vögel 166-7]). While not to be exluded, this possibility looks less convincing in view of the Eth. parallels quoted.
Akkadian:gurratu, agurratu 'ewe' MA [CAD a1 160], [AHw. 299]. // The form without a- is common and is taken as the basic one in [AHw.] (the variant form with a- is found once in a lexical list but is the basic one according to [CAD]). According to [Landsberger-Gurney 340], "agurratu ... is the Assyr. equivalent of Babyl. immertu or lah̊ru" (note that here Landsberger gives up his earlier suggestion according to which the present term is to be connected with Sem. terms for 'young animal' like Syr. guryā [Landsberger 1935-6 155]).
Notes: Sparsely attested and therefore not quite reliable. As for the the semantic difference, it is worth noting that an almost identical meaning correspondence is attested for the same languages in *bVb-, No. ... . Cf. Tna. gahret, gahrät 'antilope femmina' [Bass. 807].
Arabic:ǯurad_- 'espèce de gros rat des champs' [BK 1 278], [Fr. I 265], [Lane 408], [LA III 480], ǯird_awn- 'rat' [BK 1 278], [TA IX 385] (ḍarbun mina l-faʔri). Cf. further [Hommel 337].
Mehri:gǝrd_īn 'rat' [JM 124].
Harsusi:gerd_īn 'rat, mouse' [JH 41].
Notes: The PS status of the term is not fully reliable since inter-Semitic borrowings are possible. // Cf. Akk. garīdu 'Biber' SB [AHw. 282] ('a mammal' according to [CAD g 50], with the following remark: "Identified with the beaver for etymological reasons"), a hapax in AMT 41.1 r. IV 29 (S̆IR ša garīdi 'testicle of g.'). The Akk. term is likely an Arm. loan, see [Salonen Jagd 199] and [Landsberger 85] ("dieser Name dürfte allerdings im Akk. kaum heimisch sein, sondern mit der Droge aus Syrien eingewandert"). // Of some interest may be Gez. ḳǝrādin, ḳǝrdān 'field mouse' [LGz. 440] (a borrowing from an Arb. dialect?). // Cf. Arb. ǯuld_- 'taupe' [BK 1 314], ǯalid_- [LA old V 13] (a variant root?). // [DRS 182]: Akk., Syr.; [ibid. 183]: Arb. (also ǯard_am-), MSA (also Soq. gerd_īn, quoted withot source; no such term is quoted in the the available sources and -d_- is quite unexpected).
Akkadian:ḫuzīru 'hog' OAkk. on [CAD ḫ 266], [AHw. 362]. Reliably attested in Old Assyrian only (e.g., šumma ḫu-zi-ru lā ikabb[erū] 'if the pigs do not grow fat' BIN 6 84:35). In Malku Malku V 45 equated to the standard Akk. term for pig šaḫû. In proper names, from OAkk. on which does not necessarily pressupose that the term was vernacular and currently used in the respective dialects. Note that šaḫû seems not to be attested syllabically in the Assyrian dialects so that one wonders whether ḫuzīru was the Assyrian word for 'pig' (suggested in nuce in [CAD š1 103] where the logogram S̆AH in a Neo-Assyrian letter is said to be probably read as ḫuzīru). The word ḫuzirtu which denotes a kind of insect (in the combination ḫuzirtuša eḳli) is thought to be derived from this term in [CAD] and [AHw.].
Ugaritic:ḫu-zi-rù /ḫuzīru/ 'pig' [Huehner. 128]. Equated to Sum. [S̆A]H_, Akk. šeḫû (sic, instead of the standard šaḫû). The term is not attested alphabetically in spite of a widespread assumption (cf. e.g. [Sasson 415]) since the terms ḫnzr and ḫzr denote a profession or an administrative function (v. [Huehner. 84-5] and [DLU 195, 204]).
Hebrew:ḥăzīr 'swine, boar' [KB 302] (from an earlier *ḥuzīr-, cf. ḥwzyr in Qumran Hebrew [DCH 184]); pB. [Ja. 443] (also ḥăzīrā 'sow'). The only passage where ḥ. explicitly denotes a wild boar is Ps 80.14 (ḥăzīr miyyāʕar 'wild boar from a thicket'). In other passages, including the well-known dietary prohibitions of Lv 11.7, Dt 14.8 ḥ. must denote, at least primarily, a domesticated pig.
Aramaic:Off. ḥzwr 'pig, swine' [HJ 357].
Judaic Aramaic:ḥăzīr (det. ḥăzīrā, f. ḥăzīrtā) 'swine' [Ja. 444], ḥazzērā 'swine-herd' [ibid.], ḥzyr (f. ḥzyrh, det. ḥzyrth) 'sow' [Sok. 194].
Notes:According to [Zimmern 50] (followed by most later authorities, cf., e.g., [Jefferey 126], [LGz. 263]), the Arb. and Gez. forms are Aramaisms. While probably correct for Gez., this view needs serious argumentation in what concerns Arb., in particular because of the -n- which is not found in any attested Arm. language. As for the relationship between the Hbr. and Arm. forms and Akk. ḫumṣīru (also suggested by Zimmern and remarkably popular in Assyriological literature, see most recently [Englund 44]), it is most unlikely already for phonological reasons, not to speak about semantics (the Akk. term means 'mouse', not 'pig'). The MSA forms are likely borrowed from Arb. Cf. Tgr. ḥǝnǯur 'wasp' (d'Abb.: 'scarabée')' [LH 86], curious in view of the meaning shift 'sow' > 'kind of insect' presumably attested in Akk. (к переходу значения см. акк. выше). [Fron. 31]: *ḫa(z)zīr- 'maiale' (Arb., Syr., Hbr., Ugr. /ḫzr, ḫnzr/, Akk.); [KB 302]: Hbr., Arm., Ugr. (ḥnzr, sic!), Arb., Gez. (< Arb.), Akk. (ḫuzīru, ḫumṣīru); [Brock. 225-6]: Syr., Arm., Akk. (ḫumṣīru 'mus'); Arb. (ḫinzīr-) and Gez. are regarded as borrowings while the verbal root ḫzr 'strabo fuit' is unconvincingly posited as the true Arb. parallel for the present root; [LGz. 263]: Gez. (< Arb.), Arb., Hbr., Arm., Akk., Ugr. (ḫnzr, cf. above); [Firmage 1153]: Akk., Hbr., Ugr., Arm., Gez., Arb.
Number:2394
Proto-Semitic:*ḥVm(V)ṭ-
Meaning:kind of snake/lizard
Akkadian:ḫulmittu (ḫulmiddu, ḫulmiṭṭu) 'a snake or lizard' SB [CAD ḫ 230], ḫulmiṭṭu [AHw. 354]. Further details on this term see in [Landsberger Fauna 62-]. Unexpected -l- could be tentatively explained by the influence of the element H_UL in the Sumerian name of this animal (MUS̆.H_UL, lit. 'bad snake'). Note Akk. ḫ < *ḥ.
Hebrew:ḥōmäṭ 'reptile' [KB 328]. Hapax in the dietary law of Lv 11.30 (unclean).
Judaic Aramaic:ḥumṭā 'a lizard (chamoeleon)' [Ja. 435].
Arabic:ḥird_awn-,ḥirdawn- 'espèce de lézard particulier à l'Afrique' [BK 1 406]. Note that in [LA XIII 111] an attempt is made to differentiate semantically the forms with -d- and -d_- (the former is defined as duwaybbatun tušbihu l-ḥirbāʔa while the latter, as ʔal-ʕad_̣āʔatu ... wahiya ɣayru l-latī taḳaddamat fī d-dāli lmuhmalati).
Amharic:arǯano 'monitor lizard, an aquatic reptile resembling the crocodile, but smaller (Verenus niloticus)' [K 1157].
Harari:arǯūni 'kind of crocodile' [LHar. 31].
Notes:[Brock. 255]: Syr., Jud., Arb.; [LHar. 31]: Har., Amh., Arb. (Eth. forms are regarded as possible Arabisms).
Number:2396
Proto-Semitic:*kalb-
Meaning:dog
Akkadian:kalbu 'dog' OAkk. on [CAD k 68], [AHw. 424]. The oldest syllabic attestation outside proper names is probably 1 kalbum ZABAR in OIP XIV 103:9. Cf. further the the Ur III incantation NATN 917:3 (aṣbassu kī kalbim ina kišādīšu 'I seized him by his neck like a dog') as well as the famous OA incantation Kültepe a/k 611:2 (kalbum ṣalmum ittillim rabiṣ 'a black dog lurks on a hill'). The word is often found in letters to express self-humiliation but this usage seems to be confined to EA, NA and NB so that a WS inluence could be suspected (k. as an invective is found alrealdy in OA but an absolute majority of occurrences again belong to peripheral areas). Passages dealing with dogs as houshold animals are surprisingly few in all periods. The fem. parallel kalbatu 'bitch, female dog' OB on [CAD k 67], [AHw. 424] is known almost exlusively from literary texts (the oldest attestation must be the OB incantation BIN 2 72:2: pani kalbatim išīmši Enlil 'Enlil assigned to her a bitch's face'). The only non-literary occurrence seems to be the letter ARM 1 5:12 (quotation from a proverb difficult to interpret, cf. [Farber blind ...]).
Ugaritic:klb 'perro' [DLU 214-5], klbt 'perra' [ibid.]. A well attested term. While 1.16 I 1-4 describes a household animal (klb bbtk 'a dog in your house'), 1.3 III 45 and 1.19 I 10 employ the fem. and the masc. forms respectively to denote destructive divine beings (mḫšt klbt ʔilm ʔišt 'I smote the divine bitch ʔišt', ḥrṣ klb ʔilnm 'the divine hound bit').
Phoenician:klb 'dog' [T 142-3], [Krah. 227]. In KAI 24/10 (lpn hmlkm hlpnym ytlk!n mškbm km klbm 'under earlier kings, mškbm were treated like dogs', more details see in [Tropper Zincirli 40-1]) and KAI 37/B 10 (a term for a cultic personel, possibly a male cultic prostitute, cf. [Gibson 130]).
Arabic:kalb- 'chien (mâle)', kalbat- 'chienne' [BK 2 116], [WKAS k 308], [LA I 722] (cf. [Hommel 311-4]).
Epigraphic South Arabian:Sab. klb 'chien' (pl.) [Robin-Gajda 116]. In the hunt inscription ʕAbadān 1/37 (wṣd ... bt_mny mʔtm ʔs1dm wḫms1 mʔtm klbm 'they hunted ... with 800 warriors and 500 dogs'). Hdr. klb 'chien' [Pirenne 93]. In the hund inscription Ingrams 1/1 (mʔtnyw ʔs1dm wmʔt ṣydm wmʔtnyw klb '200 warriors, 100 hunters and 200 dogs'). Both passages are studied in [Sima 103] where klb is interpreted as huntsman rather than dog.
Akkadian:kasūsu 'a falcon' OB on [CAD k 256], kassūsu '(Jagd-)Falke' [AHw. 454]. The earliest attestations are from the OB bird omina as well as a few OB letters (e.g. Sumer 23 161:13: kīma iṣṣūrim ša ina pani ka-su-sí ana sūn awīlim īrubu 'like a bird which enters a man's lap fleeing from a falcon'). See further [Salonen Vögel 207-8].
Hebrew:kōs 'small owl' [KB 466]. Known from the dietary laws of Lv 11.17 (between nēṣ and šālāk) and Dt 14.16 (between nēṣ and yanšūp) as well as Ps 102.7 (dāmītī liḳʔat midbār // hāyītī kǝkōs ḥŏrābōt 'I became like a ḳāʔāt-bird of the desert // like k. from ruins').
Judaic Aramaic:kōsā 'night-bird, owl' [Ja. 623] (likely a Hebrew loan).
Notes:Attestation scarce, PS status not quite reliable.
Number:2399
Proto-Semitic:*ḳVr(Vl)l-
Meaning:kind of bird
Syrian Aramaic:ḳurlā 'grus' [Brock. 696], [PS 3566]. Brockelmann's reference to Gr. grúllos is totally obscure (this word is translated as 'Karikatur' in [Frisk 329]) and was rightly qualified as "unsatisfactory" in [Landsberger kurkû 258]. While a certain cimilarity to Lat. grūs and cognate IE terms for 'crane' ([WH II 624]) is observable, it is clearly in- sufficient to suppose a borrowing (in particular, -l- in the Syr. form would be difficult to explain). Onomatopoetic origin should not be excluded (cf. Rus. курлыкать, a verb used to de- note the sound produced by cranes).
Arabic:ḳirillā'espèce d'oiseau' [BK 2 723], [LA 1956 47 554] (ṭāʔirun ṣaɣīrun min ṭuyūri l-māʔi yaṣīdu s-samaka, with detailed discussion). Considered a Syriac loanword in [Fraenkel 118].
East Ethiopic:Gog. ḳarulle 'kind of bird' [LGur. 497] (considered an Oromo loanword).
